The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L’Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution

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The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L’Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution
Price: 16,24 €
(as of Jan 01, 2025 16:09:26 UTC – Details)


‘James is a titan of twentieth-century politics and culture’ Sunday Times

‘The Black Jacobins is not only a groundbreaking historical work; it is a masterpiece in storytelling and analysis’ Gary Younge

The iconic study of the Haitian revolution, by one of the most important historians of the twentieth century

C. L. R. James’s pioneering account of the 1791 San Domingo slave revolt and the creation of the republic of Haiti changed the way colonial history was written. By putting the experiences of the slave rebels, led by Toussaint L’Ouverture, centre stage, James made them agents of their own story. His work, written as part of the fight to end colonialism in Africa, helped inspire radical liberation movements worldwide, from Black Power to Castro’s revolution in the Caribbean.

With an Introduction by Christienna Fryar

Editore ‏ : ‎ Penguin Classics (6 ottobre 2022)
Lingua ‏ : ‎ Inglese
Copertina flessibile ‏ : ‎ 416 pagine
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0241562074
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0241562079
Peso articolo ‏ : ‎ 300 g
Dimensioni ‏ : ‎ 13 x 2.3 x 19.8 cm

5 recensioni per The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L’Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution

  1. Doctor Moss

    C.L.R. James’ book is a classic and required reading for anyone interested in the San Domingo/Haitian slave rebellion.There are two big dimensions to the book. One is the historical account, which is detailed and dramatic. James had access to historical documents, correspondence, and contemporary reports to gain insight into motivations, intrigues, and strategies, as well as just to enliven the narrative. It makes for stirring reading, both for the events in their own right and for the lives and fates of those involved.The rebellion, and maybe a significant part of its uniqueness, owes its character to a complicated play of factions and forces. The rebellion ran from 1791 to 1803. This, of course, was a revolutionary time, with the French and American revolutions, and revolutionary thought in general, in the background. San Domingo’s fate, and the politics and economics of slavery in San Domingo, are at play in its relationship to revolutionary events and ideologies in France.But the colonial empires of all three European powers in the West Indies — France, England, and Spain — intersect, interfere, complicate, and at times, under Toussaint’s adroit maneuvering, contribute to the rebellious slaves’ cause.And the empires and their ambitions were not the only complicating factors. San Domingo itself comprised a complicated layer cake of populations — white plantation owners, less wealthy or poor whites, mulattoes, free blacks, and slaves. The combinations of interests, potential strategies, and alliances multiply, grow, and shift throughout the years of the rebellion.The grotesque contradiction between colonial slavery and the ideology of the French Revolution — liberty, equality, and fraternity — is galling. Slavery was not without its critics in France, but France acted as the mother country, with its economic interests overriding its ideology. San Domingo was a goldmine for France. Sugar and tobacco flowed out of the colony to the rest of the world, but its production was encased in a cruel, dehumanizin plantation slave economy.This is where James’ Marxist-influenced account finds its strength. Economic interests and the dominant mode of production buried French ideological vision.The colonial structure, in James’ account, also fixed blinders onto Toussaint’s own strategies and goals. Toussaint never gave up the idea that San Domingo remain (or become, in reality) a part of France. To the end, to his betrayal by Bonaparte and his representative, Leclerc, Toussaint fought for abolition but not independence. San Domingo was to win its place in the French nation, not its independence from it.This was not blind loyalty to the colonizers on Toussaint’s part. He saw clearly that San Domingo was mired in a position of dependence on France, and on the administrators and the infrastructure France provided. Its sugar and tobacco production was organized by the plantation system. Its trade was dependent on French ships, French officials, French trade relationships.It is left to Dessalines, once Toussaint has been betrayed, imprisoned, and put to death by the French, to cut the cord. Dessalines turns the cause of abolition to the cause of independence for San Domingo. Dessalines, while not the strategist that Toussaint had been, saw one thing clearly — France, under Bonaparte, would return slavery to San Domingo unless the slaves could win independence. Abolition without independence would not last.Dessalines oversaw a brutal period of the rebellion. In his eyes, the French, and the whites, had to be rooted out of the country for good. To be free, San Domingo must be independent. The former slaves must be empowered to run their own country and their own lives.The result, the victory for an independent San Domingo (renamed Haiti), we know was not a fairytale ending. Under Dessalines, deportation and extermination of whites and others, whether enemies of the rebellion or not, was horrific. Hence the title of James’ book, “The Black Jacobins.”We can’t judge the historical and political outcome — abolition and independence — as wrong, but the moral cost was tremendous. It had been one that Toussaint seemingly was unwilling to pay, as if a moral virtue can be an historical weakness, at lest in James’ narrative.The other dimension to the book is the context in which James is writing and his own concerns for decolonization, especially in the Africa of 1938. The rebellion has been taken as a blueprint for African independence movements in the twentieth century. James is always telling the story of San Domingo with his eye on African (and West Indian) struggles for independence in his own time, as he discussed more explicitly in the appendix, “From Toussaint L’Ouverture to Fidel Castro.”It raises the obvious question of the costs for achieving these goals of independence, and the complicity of the colonizers in constructing such a constellation of power that seemingly necessitates those costs.James is also fully aware of the challenges for a post-rebellion Haiti that will be inherited, in their own forms, in any colonies that achieve independence. Toussaint was right, that in the absence of the colonizers, the country was ill-equipped to survive, much less to flourish. That is the nature of colonial dependence. Freedom doesn’t come cheap.

  2. S. K. Pursey

    CLR James was a superb writer and historian. The Black Jacobins traces the revolution in what is now Haiti at the time of the French revolution – fascinating, tragic and with enduring consequences.

  3. Victoria B.

    This book was recommended to me by my Postcolonial Theory professor, and I’m very glad I ended up reading it. Very accessible (basically anyone could read it easily and find it interesting if they’re into that), and timeless in the sense that it is as pertinent today as it was almost 80 years ago.

  4. 佐々木利昌

    カリブ海の最貧国ハイチが黒人奴隷の解放運動によって、奴隷制を倒して実現した黒人の独立国家であることを豊かな史料と生き生きとした文章によって伝えた記念碑的な本である。読書を通じてフランスの啓蒙思想の影響を受けた黒人指導者のトゥーサン・ルーヴェルチュールがナポレオンの人種差別主義政策によって圧殺されていくくだりは手に汗を握った。軍事介入したフランス軍に黒人の民衆がゲリラ戦によって抵抗していく姿、また黄熱病によってフランス軍が壊滅していく過程も初めて知った。黒人指導者の人間像を通して、彼を謀殺したナポレオンのフランス帝国の実像も知った。フランス革命とナポレオン帝国の「闇」を見た思いだ。

  5. Amazon Customer

    A wonderfully written account of an important and little known bit of history. James’ writing is inspiring and thought provoking. The portrait of Toussaint (why is there no recording of David Balke’s splendid opera on him?) is moving and nuanced. Highly recommended.

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